North American Committee Against Zionism and Imperialism
(NACAZAI)

Arab Nationalist Movement and the International Jewish Zionist Enemy

The following is from the early documents of the Arab Nationalist Movement, co-founded by the legendary George Habash and a precursor to the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP) and other resistance organizations.

It is made available here because is shows that some of the original Arab Palestinian leftist positions on the Jewish question and Zionism are actually better and more scientific than the so-called "Marxist" ones brought in by foreign powers who were in love with the idea of dumping their Jews on the Arabs, recognizing this Jewish human base of imperialism as a valid nation, and meanwhile "condemning" Zionism in some half assed two dimensional way.

While it makes absolute sense, in terms of anti-sectarian National Democratic struggle for the Arab Palestinians to try and win Arab Palestinian Jews to Arab nationalism, that does not mean we need jump up and down and pretend that the historical social role of the Jew nor Judaism has nothing in common with modern Zionism. Rather, we need to be honest with the fact that only some tiny percentage of Arab Jews ultimately identified with their Arabness over their Jewishness, and ask very real questions about what it is in Jewishness that causes this? Is it actually true that Jews and Judaism distinguish from political Zionism as much as today's leftist political theoreticians claim they do?

This piece is also important for those of us operating with western leftists, because it shows that the Jews are not merely tools of imperialism, but rather that they are reactionary in their own right. The relationship that Jews and Zionists have with imperialism is to the mutual benefit of both parties and not simply the "innocent" Jews being "tricked" or "forced" into being a human base of imperialism. In fact, while Jews and Zionists are even further intertwined with imperialism under today's globalist system, this piece is correct that the Jews have as their agenda something much older and independent of modern imperialism.

Unlike today when western anti-Zionist largely pretend like most Jews are part of the popular classes, that lots of them are "anti-Zionist", and that the radical ones are going to break ranks with Jewish supremacist social roles, the following correctly argues that the contradictions of most primacy in the Jewish psyche is not those contradictions between leftist and rightist Jews but between Jews and goyim, principally today the goyim of the Arab nation and Umma.

Should anyone find copies of the Arab National Movement communiqués referenced below, regardless of language, please notify me as they are a historic treasure which must be preserved.

--- John Paul Cupp, Public Relations Director of the North American Committee Against Zionism and Imperialism (NACAZAI)

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A Brief Excerpt from "Revolutionary Transformation in the Arab World" pages 50-52

Authored and copyrighted by Walid W. Kazziha, published in 1975 by St. Martin's Press

The ANM understood the Zionist danger to be one of total subjugation, which did not differentiate between one Arab country and another, but sought to establish a Jewish state "from the Euphrates to the Nile." It declared that this opinion regarding the Arab-Zionist conflict differed from that held by the majority of Arab politicians and political parties:

"We view the enmity between us and the Jews as a historical one which started hundreds of years ago. Its cause is the constant aspiration of the Jews to conquer Palestine and establish their own government.

"To us this is a danger equivalent to absolute extermination, a danger of an aggressive and expansionist nature. It will not stop within its present borders but will fight a fierce battle against our people..."

"We do not understand the source of the danger to be confined to

Israel

it is also represented by International Judaism, including its millions of people, its enormous material wealth, and its influence in international politics."9

According to Habash and his colleagues, Jewish colonialism was not an integral part of Western imperialism, but had an independent existence:

"We cannot possibly accept the dominant belief among our people that the Jewish danger is an imperialist project... which would disappear with the disappearance of imperialism. It is however possible that this false understand stems for the fact that until today imperialism and Judaism have been bound together by common interests..."

"The Jewish danger has its own independent roots... its own philosophy, and its own aims. The fact that it has been able to win the support of the imperialist powers does not mean that it is permanently attached to them.

"Our problem with the Jews is not a problem with Western imperialism. It is a problem with an independent Jewish movement employing its own resources to win the largest number of states to its side."10

Furthermore, the Movement asserted that, unlike imperialism, the Jewish conquest of Palestine did not seek to acquire a privileged position for the Jews in the region, but "aimed at the usurping of the Arab land, and the expulsion of the Arab people..." 11 Habash and his comrades claimed that the defeat in 1948 was not accidental. The responsibility for the disaster was primarily attributed to

"The deterioration and corruption of our national conditions, represented in the fragmentation of the homeland, the dominance of imperialism and its allies, the weakness and disintegration of our social existence, and the predominance of the reactionary conceptions among Arab individuals." 12

But even that could not account for the Arab military failure:

"Responsible Arab had seriously contributed, consciously or unconsciously to the occurrence of the disaster. Their responsibility manifested itself in the treachery of some of them, the negligence of others, and their shortsightedness when they imagined that the battle with the Jews was a mere picnic." 13

There were in addition some external influences which played an important role in bringing about the success of Zionism in Palestine. The traditional alliance between Zionism and imperialism inevitably strengthened the position of the Jews throughout the world, and enabled them to realize their aspirations. The irresistible political influence of the Jewish community, flirt in the Ottoman Empire and later in Britain and the United States, constantly coincided with the greedy polices of these powers. 14 Last but not least, the Jewish effort in its own right succeeded in mobilizing the vast resources of the Jews all over the world. 15 In this respect, the Movement preached that it was a matter of utmost importance not to distinguish between Zionism and Judaism:

"It is not important to indulge in a discussion concerning the reality of Judaism, as to whether it is a religion or nationalism. What is important for us to realize is that this group in reality stands before the world as one group having a tight organization and a studied plan. It fights us today with increasing violence and brutality.”

"In this war are combined the efforts of all Jews from the far left to the extreme right..." 16

After depicting the reasons for the defeat, and the nature of the enemy, the Arab Nationalists moved to discuss ways of countering the Jewish danger. They rejected the notion that the internal contradictions of Israeli society would weaken its structure and eventually lead to its collapse. Neither the social tension arising from large scale immigration, nor the economic and political conflict, were thought to be sufficient to threaten Israel's existance: "It is quite obvious that the elements of cooperation and cohesion ... in addition to scientific planning are far stronger than the factors of disintegration and conflict...."17 Thus the Arabs' only hope resided in their depending on themselves, and in mobilizing their own resources.18

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9. IC, Al-Marhalaal-'Arabbiyya al-HadirawasAhdafuha (The Present Arab Stage and Its Objectives), 1957.

10. Ibíd.

11. Darwaza, Ma' al-Qawmiyya al-'Arabbiyya, p. 102.

12. H. al-Hindi and M. Ibrahim Isra'il: Fikra, Haraka Dawla (Israel: Idea, Movement, State), Beirut, 1958 pp. 83-84.

13. Ibid.

14. Ibid., pp. 94-113.

15. Ibid., p. 84.

16. Ibid., p. 26.

17. Ibid., p. 134.

18. Al-Tha'r, May 15, 1955.